Convenor(s)
Brossier Marie / Université Laval
Perrot Sandrine / Sciences Po Paris
After the discredit caused by authoritarian contexts and the introduction and generalisation of single-party systems, several political scientists pointed out, since the 1990s, the need to recommit to the study of political parties in Africa (Otayek, 1998; Quantin, 2004; Gazibo, 2006). However, African parties remain largely under-documented. Their analysis is still often framed by the normative concepts of democratisation or restricted the straight jacket of neo-patrimonialism or ethnicism. Therefore, this panel will focus on contemporary methodological and theoretical innovations in the analysis of African political parties by taking into account recent fieldwork findings on intermediaries (Vannetzel, 2014; Benani-Chraïbi et al., 2005: Zaki, 2007); new technologies in organisation, supervision and campaigning (Ménoret, 2005); comparative approaches; role of the opposition in “hybrid” regimes, etc. (Dabène et al. 2012; Van de Walle, 1999). We would like to benefit from a more recent and uninhibited literature anchoring back African political parties to the currently rejuvenating mainstream literature on Western parties and to comparative literature (AÏt-Aoudia, Dézé, 2012; Aït-Aoudia et al., 2011). Taking into account the recent disciplinary contributions of history or anthropology (Pitcher, 2012; Quiros, 2014; Pels & Quantin, 2001; Bertrand et al., 2007), we will give priorities to multidisciplinary approaches focusing on practices rather than party institutions. Three areas of research will be preferably but not exclusively explored. Firstly, the panel aims at re-anchoring partisan practices in a broader political scope and social historicisation. Secondly, inspired by the large and recent literature on social mobilizations and protest, we would like to analyse the crossing points between political parties and social organisations. Thirdly, we would like to focus on “democracy builders” and how the partial international standardisation of partisan practices expected by aid programmes affect the day-to-day party building, mobilisation, leaders’ selection and training.
Revisiter les partis politiques africains: pistes de recherche
Alors qu’ils avaient été discrédité par les contextes politiques autoritaires et par la généralisation des systèmes de partis uniques en Afrique, les partis politiques ont fait, depuis les années 1990, l’objet d’un regain d’intérêt de la part des politistes (Otayek, 1998; Quantin, 2004; Gazibo, 2006). Cependant, l’analyse des partis africains, encore peu développée, achoppe encore régulièrement sur le cadre normatif de la démocratisation dans lesquels ils sont majoritairement étudiés. Leur compréhension est bien souvent restreinte à des analyses en terme de néo-patrimonialisme ou d’ethnicisme. Parce que les partis politiques constituent un objet de recherche encore largement inexploré, ce panel veut se concentrer sur les développements théoriques et méthodologiques contemporains qui permettent de repenser les partis politiques à travers les terrains de recherche sur l’intermédiation (Vannetzel, 2014; Benani-Chraïbi et al., 2005: Zaki, 2007), les nouvelles technologies dans la modes d’organisation, de leadership et de campagnes électorales (Ménoret, 2005); les approches comparées; le rôle de l’opposition dans les régimes dits “hybrides” (Dabène et al. 2012; Van de Walle, 1999)., etc. En nous appuyant sur les récents travaux en histoire et anthropologie (Pitcher, 2012; Quiros, 2014; Pels & Quantin, 2001; Bertrand et al., 2007), nous privilégierons une approche multidisciplinaire et mettrons l’accent sur les pratiques partisanes plutôt que sur les institutions comme peut le faire la littérature sur les processus de démocratisation et la transitologie. Nous nous appuierons à la fois sur les récents travaux qui ré-ancrent l’étude des partis politiques en Afrique dans la littérature classique des partis occidentaux – elle-même en plein renouvellement – et sur les approches comparatives (Aït-Aoudia, Dézé, 2012; Aït-Aoudia et al., 2011). Nous pourrions travailler, quoique de manière non exclusive, autour de trois questions de recherche. Premièrement, ce panel veut ouvrir l’analyse des partis politiques à une plus grande historicisation politique et sociale de leur développement et de leurs pratiques. Deuxièmement, il serait intéressant d’explorer la large littérature consacrée aux mobilisations sociales et à la protestation afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure elle peut être utile à l’analyse des partis. Enfin, nous pourrions nous pencher sur les « bâtisseurs de démocratie » et la manière dont la standardisation internationale des pratiques partisanes, à travers des programmes d’aide, affectent la construction au quotidien des partis, les modes de mobilisation, de sélection des candidats, de la formation.
Tull Denis / German Institute for International and Security Affairs
Rise, Fall and Survival: Paradoxes of Opposition Parties in Cameroon and the DR Congo
During the 1990s regimes in the DR Congo and Cameroon narrowly escaped a wave of pro-democracy mobilization led by political parties and civil society groups. In each country, a major political opposition party spearheaded regime contestation: the Union Démocratique pour le Progrès Social (UDPS) in DRC and the Social Democratic Front (SDF) in Cameroon. After the high watermark of opposition politics in the early 1990s, both parties went into steady decline and have little prospect to overcome their marginal condition in national politics. Yet, they remain important players both as stumbling blocks and necessary elements of effective political opposition.
Despite the differing trajectories of the DRC and Cameroon, significant parallels and commonalities can be identified between the two historically leading opposition parties reveal remarkable parallels. Based on fieldwork in both countries and interviews with party officials and followers, I propose a comparison to elucidate the reasons behind their political failure, but also their survival. I describe the parties’ dilemmas at various critical junctures in their countries’ recent history, relations with the rest of society, political rulers and civil society, and finally internal dynamics. The conclusion discusses the relevance of political parties in both countries and in African studies.
Traore Laure / CESSP, Université Paris 1
Partis politiques et réalignements partisans dans le Mali post-coup d’Etat
Cette communication se propose de s’intéresser aux réalignements partisans au Mali depuis le coup d’Etat de mars 2012 jusqu’à nos jours. Nous nous focaliserons sur les repositionnements des hommes politiques lors du putsch et des campagnes électorales, les alliances de partis lors des élections présidentielles et législatives, et enfin la vague de transhumance des députés nouvellement élus lors de la constitution des groupes parlementaires.
Cette période voit les discours sur le manque de moralité et la faiblesse des convictions de la classe politique réémerger, notamment dans la rhétorique des putschistes et de leurs soutiens qui sera ensuite reprise pendant les campagnes électorales, sans pour autant que la transhumance et les alliances d« contre-nature » ne cessent. Qu’est-ce qui fait que ces pratiques perdurent ? Comment sont-elles rendues possibles au sein des partis ? Que nous apprennent-elles du métier politique au Mali, des coups jouables, et de la place des partis sur la scène politique ?
Afin de répondre à ces questions, nous proposons d’appréhender ces pratiques sur deux niveaux : le premier, macro, cherchera à expliquer les logiques des réalignements des partis maliens et ses effets sur la recomposition du jeu politique. Le second, micro, proposera une vue de l’intérieur d’un parti (l’URD, 2ème force politique du pays) pour permettre une analyse plus approfondie basée sur son fonctionnement, ses acteurs et leurs stratégies.
Generoso de Almeida Claudia / Universidad Complutense de Madrid
The behavioral adaptation of African single parties to dual transitions: Angola and Mozambique
Angola and Mozambique are two examples of African countries, whose post-independence period was marked by a monoparty regime in the throes of a protracted intrastate war. In both countries, the peace process started in the late 80’s/early 90’s and occurred simultaneously with a transition to a multiparty regime via elections. Although Angola returned to civil war after 1992 elections and Mozambique did not after 1994 elections, the respective former national liberation movements and single parties, MPLA and FRELIMO, would become dominant parties. This communication intends to identify the political trajectory of these two parties since independence until the first elections. Particularly, to point out which internal changes have occurred in each one and why, in order to understand their behavioral adaptation to dual transitions (from war to peace and from a monoparty to a multiparty regime). The aim is thus to discuss the adaptation capacity of these two African parties, as an important variable to understand their persistence in power. An in-depth study of the political trajectory of these African single parties, how they adapt to new contexts and change internally, is an important contribution to the research of these “enigmatic parties”, especially when it is expected a successful transition to democracy.
Nilsson Johanna / Department of Government, Uppsala University
Political party dynamics and collective identities in the aftermath of war – Making meaning of the militarised dynamic between Frelimo and Renamo in Mozambique
Through an in-depth study of the dynamic between political parties Frelimo and Renamo in present day Mozambique, my research seeks to understand the meaning-making process behind the dynamic between political parties within a political system built during peacebuilding, based on the same groups that constituted the war. My research explores and questions how perceptions and expressions of collective party identity constitute and shape political party dynamics in Mozambique. On October 21st, 2013, Renamo announces that they no longer intend to abide by the 1992 Rome peace agreement. This statement is issued after an alleged attack on their base, and murder attempt on their leader, by government forces (BBC 22nd October 2013). This situation is problematic in several ways. It is a grave offence if government forces have been used in an attempted murder on the main political opponent and it is remarkable that Renamo still refers to a 20-year-old peace agreement. The dynamic between Frelimo, ruling party and former government forces, and Renamo, opposition party and former rebel group, seems to be still characterised by the war. Through an ethnographic field study with interviews and observations of political actors within each party this study explores closer how political party dynamics and the interplay between political parties is shaped by perceptions and expressions of collective identity.