In 1886, the colonial and municipal authorities in Saint-Louis-du-Senegal took the decision to build a statue in memory of former Governor Léon Faidherbe (1854 - 1861; 1863-65 and justified their decision in terms of his achievements during his tenure as governor. Indeed, he was credited for having transformed disparate trading posts and fifteen African polities into a unified colony through a series of alliances and wars of conquest; for being the "creator" of Senegal, the "builder" of Saint-Louis, and an effective administrator who organized the colonial bureaucracy, the colonial army, the economic and financial institutions, and a printing press. This paper examines the unveiling of the Faidherbe Statue in Saint-Louis in 1887. The main argument in this paper is that the unveiling of the Faidherbe Statue, like the other main festivities of the Third Republic in Senegal, pursued both civic and didactic purposes. They offered a platform for celebrating critical Republican values, honoring an inspiring hero, communicating central political messages (sovereignty, narrative of French West African empire, and legitimacy), and, above all, educating the audience, through civic acculturation efforts, memory-making, and amusements, about the link between the legacies of France of and since 1789 and the Third Republic.

The spread of monuments along the Estado Novo (1933-1974) was largely driven by propagandistic aims, bringing visibility to the State proclaimed historic and economic restoration of the metropolis, and to the so called 'civilizational action' in the overseas colonies. Unavoidably, the processes of political transition and decolonization brought new models and cultural aspirations. The old symbols of the colonizer had no place in the new cultural and political configurations of the emancipated State. The postcolonial appropriation mechanism led to a natural process of 'refunctionalisation' of the urban space and to the abandonment of many urban infrastructures (developed for a particular cultural, social and economic ambience, which found hard adequacy in the contemporaneous condition).

Lourenço Marques, current Maputo, was subjected to the removal of its most significant colonial memorials. At the end, all statues were removed, with the exception of the Monument to the fallen soldiers of the I World War at the Trabalhadores Square, as well as other minor memorials that can be found at the St. Francisco Xavier cemetery. The preservation of the I World War memorial may possibly be justified by its excessive weight or by its underlying symbolism. This is the only memorial from the colonial period in Maputo's heritage list.

In the late 1980's a new breed of statues has finally emerged in core places that once exposed colonial monuments, now paying tribute to the heroes of the national liberation struggle, such as Samora Machel and Eduardo Mondlane.

Socio-political and cultural activities take place in urban centres in various dimensions. In terms of spatiality, these activities are restricted to certain spots within the city. City or town halls are representative built space with a prominent architectural and socio-political character, located in the city centre, and are usually accompanied by large open areas in front of the buildings. This article argued that, given the fact that the functions and character of the town hall in large cities have changed over time with urban sprawl, the importance of the Glover Memorial Hall in the socio-political historiography of Lagos, its historical narrative is not only important but also imperative. The paper contends that a study of 'zones of in distinction' which appear to lie outside conventional urban discourse but yet reveal much about the hidden dimensions of urban modernity and politics will not only illuminate our understanding of politics of spatial space; social tension, it will also reveal the contributions of these spaces to colonial discourse as a whole. The paper relied on newspaper reports and primary documents sourced from the national achieves in Ibadan and Oged Macaulay's private papers domiciled at the Kenneth Dike Library of the University of Ibadan to construct the history of the hall.

Addis Ababa was founded around 1886 as a garrison camp first and became the capital city 15 years later. It was thus not an intended city since its origin. Nevertheless, as early as the beginning of the 20th century the city grows fast: buildings, streets, markets, railway… But the first monument in the city only appeared in 1927.

How it happened that monuments suddenly penetrated the Ethiopian urban landscape can be understood in the light of the national and international context. On the national side first, it was a need for the regent and heir to the throne, the ras Täfäri later known as Haylä-Sellase, to show he was the legal and appropriate ruler for Ethiopia. Therefore he built a mausoleum for the admired emperor Menelik who fought successfully to preserve the country's independence in the past. At the international scale, Ethiopia was still facing foreign treats against its sovereignty.

Like other items in the past (stamps, flag…) monuments were introduced and used as a symbol of independence and sovereignty of Ethiopia that can be understood by western powers. The equestrian statue of emperor Menelik, in the light of the context of its erection, is probably the clearest example.