ECAS 2013

The 1960s marked a radical shift in the nationalist struggles in southern Africa. The emergence of armed struggle, in various territories, came associated with the reinforcement of various political and military alliances, supporting the various political projects. This paper aims to discuss the role of the regional alliances and associations in supporting the national liberation process in southern Africa, with a focus on Mozambique. Taking as a reference stance the CONCP - Conference of the Nationalist Associations from the Portuguese Colonies, created in the early 1960s - the analysis will be placed upon these regional and south-south support and cooperation, amplifying the memory of these important, but quite often silenced, alliances to the liberation of Africa from the colonial burden. This is special relevant in the context of the liberation struggles through the 1960-1980s, in southern Africa. On another level, this study opens ups a set of treads that help, quite often, to substantiate the (re)creation of the contemporary south-south cooperation.

Colonial War, besides constituting a founding moment of the sociopolitical reality of present day Portugal, was crucial to independencies of its former African colonies, having, likewise, repercussions in the lasting conflicts that followed (the so called civil wars). Thus, a thorough understanding of Portuguese Colonial War gains relevance in a critical approach to the construction of national memories in all countries involved. It is crucial to understand the roots of present day social and political crisis in liberated African colonies, as well as to recognize how such important secrets - as is this "white" alliance against black nationalisms in Southern Africa - reached present days untold. Exploring research lines suggested by Alcora Exercise, Colonial War will be seen as part of a regional conflict - fight against black independencies in Southern Africa -, and as part of a global one - what some consider having been a Cold War subsystem in Southern Africa. One of our lines of questioning will, then, focus on the implications of the Alcora Exercise in a "post-colonial violent order" in newly independent African states, seeking to shed a new light over the roots of present day sociopolitical crisis sadly affecting those countries.

The 1970´s Southern African context, although anchored in the Cold War problematic, was firstly following a complex regional agenda, were taking sides meant fighting for or maintaining the independence. South Africa, assuming the role of the dominant "regional power", was apparently trying to balance the South African crisis from different fronts.

This paper seeks to determine the role played by South Africa in the three major fronts in the region, which changed the face of the continent: ALCORA, FLS (Front Line States) and CONSAS (Constellation of Southern African States). Faithful to a personal agenda, South Africa´s intention was to strengthen the apartheid system in the last days of the colonial system de facto in Southern Africa.

The last years´ interest in these groupings offers a range of interpretations. How can they be described? Organizations, coalitions, alliances are among the various denominations given, but which hi(stories) are told and from who´s standpoint? My proposal is to interpret these groupings as "fronts" (A.H.Omari). Firstly, because they represent interest and power groups engaged with clear objectives in the regional defence, and they tend to have a temporary character that explains the demise of the alliance after reaching its objectives. Secondly, the "front" is understood as a battle field. From this view, they represent coalitions, which also include non-state actors (A.H. Omari), part of the newly "Third World".

Thus, my purpose is to analyze all these regional and sub-regional perspectives from a multi-disciplinary approach capable to provoke different angled questioning around the given matters.

Since independence, India has played a peculiar role towards Africa. During the Nehru years the spirit of Bandung informed Delhi's approach in the fight against colonialism. By the Sixties, India stood firm against white minority rule in Southern Africa bringing up the issue at the United Nations.

Different political crises gave the Indian government the opportunity to intervene through the UN in several African conflict theaters. Behind this engagement one can single out different sets of motivations in a mix of ethics and power politics that informed and still informs Indian foreign policy.

Using an historical approach the paper aims at exploring reasons and consequences of the Indian involvement in UN peace-keeping missions in the Congo.

Against the backdrop of important transformations in the way of conceiving the relations with Africa over the last fifty years, how has the Indian participation in the various UN missions in the Congo affected the bilateral relation with the DRC? What kind of agenda shaped Indian presence in the Sixties and how has it been tuned over time? Do the new economic and political imperatives influence present Indian and Congolese attitudes in the framework of a very peculiar (and often criticized) multilateral cooperation?

These are some of the issues addressed in order to shed light on a specific dimension of India's involvement in the Congo. The historical perspective helps to mark continuity and change in a complex engagement often depicted either in rhetorical terms or exclusively through the power politics lens.

A escrita pós colonial da história do período das guerras de libertação nas ex-colónias portuguesas é ainda um campo aberto. Muitos dos acervos documentais que alimentam a história oficial permanecem confidenciais ou de acesso limitado. Mas existe uma versão "outra" destas histórias construída com base na liberdade da criação que caracteriza a escrita ficcional. Se por um lado se pode objectar a inexactidão factual destas construções, o facto é que em tempos difíceis ou em circunstâncias em que a prudência diplomática aconselha uma abordagem descomprometida, a escrita literária ficcional permite uma liberdade de expressão e pensamento que abre caminho a uma "tradução" destes contextos. Com base nas obras de diversos escritores provenientes destes países pretendemos analisar o modo como a realidade política e social deste período de transição se transfigura na prosa literária tecendo nós e laços entre as diversas forças em campo. Recorrendo a textos coevos e contemporâneos pretendemos demonstrar a permeabilidade existente nas relações entre colonizadores e colonizados, mas também nos diferentes países colonizados entre si.

A cartografia de poder no extremo austral de África mostra que, em 1974, parte significativa da população branca no continente estava concentrada em Moçambique, Angola, África do Sul e Rodésia. Angola e Moçambique, juntamente com o Sudoeste Africano, constituiam uma zona tampão de segurança fundamental para os regimes minoritários brancos da Rodésia e da África do Sul.

Esta realidade complexa irá influenciar as alianças políticas e militares na região, assim como os processos de 'descolonização' e independência das colónias portuguesas de Angola e Moçambique. Uma análise mais profunda e detalhada destes processos desvela os embates fraturantes entre distintos projetos de independência e de descolonização de Angola e Moçambique - uns de cariz neocolonial, guiados pelos propósitos de manter os futuros países na esfera de influência de Portugal, assegurando assim, e em estreitas relações com as potências coloniais da região, a sua exploração capitalista; outros que pugnavam por independências efectivamente africanas com a indispensável transferência de soberania.

A presente comunicação procurará mostrar como aos projectos neocoloniais está associada a emergência de formas de nacionalismo branco que almejavam perpetuar a dominação na região. Esses projectos serão analisados à luz dos jogos regionais, os quais ambicionavam edificar uma 'Terceira África', sob o jugo do poder branco. Esta comunicação dará particular realce às formas pelas quais a estes ensejos neocoloniais se aliam importantes não projetos e relações do capitalismo internacional, desempenhando, a este nível, um papel de relevo não só as potências coloniais da região, mas também os interesses do capital do Ocidente.

A Guerra Colonial portuguesa nunca encontrou um efetivo espaço de rememoração naquilo que foi a reconstrução democrática e pós-imperial da sociedade portuguesa. Assim, nas últimas décadas, Portugal, a ex-metrópole, construiu uma memória da guerra que vem errando entre o silenciamento e a revisitação simplista das dinâmicas em jogo. Compreender a guerra, obriga a reconhecer testemunhos subjugados, a valorizar alianças pouco consideradas, a enfrentar os traumas latentes e a superar os dualismos que constituem a memória imperial.