ECAS 2013

Following the end of the slave trade in the nineteenth century, Brazil's relations with Africa ceased almost completely. Brazil's first efforts to re-establish relations with the continent coincided with the independence of African countries in the early 1960s when the presidents Jânio Quadros (1961) and João Goulart (1961-1964) launched political and economic relations with independent African countries as part of the Independent Foreign Policy. The military coup in 1964 ended the rapprochement with Africa, since the right-wing military rulers privileged close relations with the Salazar regime in Portugal (1933-1974), which rejected international demands for decolonization. The oil crisis in 1974 and the end of the Portuguese dictatorship prompted the military regime to change its African policy. The presidents Ernesto Geisel (1974-1979) and João Figueiredo (1979-1985), the last military rulers, embarked on a new foreign policy denominated Responsible and Ecumenical Pragmatism strengthening political and economic ties with Africa. However, in the mid-1980s, due to Brazil's economic crisis, Africa's share in its foreign trade dropped back to the levels of the 1960s and political relations with the continent were substantially reduced. Brazil's recent return to Africa has begun under President Lula da Silva (2003-2010), who resumed and reinforced relations with the continent as part of his country's ambitious foreign policy in a new global context. This paper seeks to analyze the three distinct periods of Brazil - Africa relations in the political and economic domains, as well as with regard to the respective dominant official discourse used by the different governments.

Russia's importance to the continent needs to be better understood especially with the growing attention to the BRICS and their increasing engagement in Africa.

Africa and Russia have a long history of friendship. In the context of growing interests of Russia - Africa relationship, together with a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and a large commercial role in military cooperation, Russia's importance to the continent needs to be better understood both for the efficacy of the BRICS and a more contextualized assessment of its impact on African business development prospects:

Firstly, the history and the nature of Russian - African relations.

Secondly, the contemporary ambience for bilateral relations. The world order is undergoing significant changes. The BRICS format today attracts most attention and gets the main focus of undergoing processes of change. There is a process of power shift that must be acknowledged.

Thirdly, it is essential to understand current foreign policy principles of Russia. It is important to understand the current Russian imperatives on the world arena. The foreign policy doctrine as well as some recent events should be revised to estimate the place and role of Africa in Russian politics.

Moreover, the last few years of bilateral relations should go under revision to draw a conclusion on the nature and perspectives of development of bilateral initiatives in politics, business and culture as well as potential for the future development of partnership relations between Russia and the African continent, South Africa being a "gate" to the continent.

Morphology and Anatomy of Indo-African Relations in 21st Century: Issues and Challenges

by Prof. Ajay Dubey

For Indo-African Relations old rallying points like NAM, racial discrimination Collective Self Reliance yielded to make economic interest as prime mover, emergence of new actors in Africa like African Union and regional organizations, assertive role of African countries in multilateral institution and global governance agencies, emergence of Diaspora as a resource and opening up African primary resources like oil and markets to newly emerging economies. India responded to its emerging needs, newer opportunity and growing competitions in African continent. Its growing trade, economic investment and energy imports from Africa as wel as the new scramble by emerging powers for African resources - culminate in Indian state launching its India Africa Forum Summit in 2008 at new Delhi and organizing its second such Summit in Ethiopia in 2011. The Forum Summit was Indian state initiative to recast its Africa policy under the new settings and new the imperatives. The Forum Summits under Banzul formula of AU, which almost all important players in Africa outright rejected, was ostensibly to protect Indian goodwill in Africa by giving collective negotiating power to Africa, and to engage new actors like AU and regional organizations. It led to emergence of India state from aid recipient to aid giving status, (around 8 billion dollar of economic aid package for Africa at multilateral levels under two Forum Summits) and new role of Indian foreign policy bureaucracy from aid receiver to aid disburser.

During the last decades, China's presence and influence in Africa has become more visible, primarily through trade and aid. China is growing at phenomenal, almost unprecedented rate, and she needs African resources to continue this trend. But this relationship could be beneficiary for both sides. At the very beginning, reflecting China's economic pragmatism, she was narrowly focused on resources and investment in resource-rich countries. Over time, she had broadened her investment horizons and adopted more holistic approach. Of course, even though it represents a great opportunity, Chinese FDI are posting some serious challenges in front of the African governments. "Dark side of the moon", when it comes to Chinese FDI are poor working conditions, law wages, lack of safety standards around hazardous jobs, low-skilled labour being imported from China, underbidding local firms by importing cheaper goods from China. She is also becoming an important donor to African countries. There is a great difference between China's aid policy, and policies of Western donors. The most important feature of Chinese aid policy is that assistance is provided with "no political strings attached". Also, they are not trying to impose its economic model to recipient country. China has become an attractive alternative to what has been seen as an endless nit-picking of the IMF and Paris club creditors. Chinese capital is creating juncture that could provide many African countries with a real opportunity to determine its own future and achieve development according to their own national context.

The South African poltical has been shaped by powerful monoplies over much of its history. With the end of Apartheid these monopolies have relocated offshore but retained their rand-denominated assets. Together with the SA state they seek a new financial order less dependent on the dollar. Thia is a common theme amongst new powers allied in the BRICS. In the meanwhile the USA and China are locked in battle over the relative strengths of the dollar and the renminbi. Africa's future will be shaped by the outcome of these contestations.

Both China and Brazil have grown phenomenally in the global economy and both have been increasing their engagement with various regions of the world. Africa is among the geographical spaces which has seen a surge in Chinese and Brazilian presence in recent times. Consequently, there has been a plethora of academic writings on the subject. Some have examined the role of China and Brazil separately in Africa but fewer have sought to compare the nature of, and the implications of the engagement for the African continent. Are both BRICS nations out on a search for natural resources and to secure a place as a major global power? What are the nuances that define and distinguish their liaison with Africa? This paper seeks to fill this gap by undertaking a comparative analysis of China's and Brazil's engagement with Africa.

Since the end of its civil war, Mozambique has had a complex development assistance landscape, with a large number of agencies and other organizations implementing projects. Over the past five years, one of the most visible changes in this organizational landscape has been the growing role of the BRICS as providers of South-South cooperation. There is some complementarity within these efforts: for instance, Brazil has large projects in agriculture and health; China has focused on large infrastructure; South Africa has boosted its economic cooperation ties; India has stepped up its cooperation in security and services; and finally Russia has signed agreements on a vast gamut of cooperation topics. Even though these BRICS actors operate within a field where other Southern and Northern donors, multilateral agencies, and private foundations are also active, these countries' ongoing efforts to coordinate positions within the BRICS grouping creates specific opportunities (and particular challenges) for bilateral South-South cooperation in Africa. This article treats Mozambique as a strategic research site to examine the growing overlaps among the BRICS' cooperation programs and related interests.

India's relations with Africa date back many centuries, to the time when Indian traders began to engage with countries along the eastern coast of Africa. It continued in the 20th Century with factors such as Afro-Asian resurgence, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and Collective Self-Reliance of South acting as key drivers of the relations. However the post globalization era witnessed bludgeoning economic relations acting as the main rallying point, resulting in the emergence of a new architecture.

India is strengthening its ties with Africa through increasing trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDIs) which is driven mostly by its private sector. Additionally, India has actively pursued a capacity-building lead development agenda in Africa since the 1960's. Its assistance focuses on political, social and cultural fields, with education and human resource development being the majour thrust areas- as the aim of New Delhi has been to empower the African populace in their road to development.

This article will explore India's development cooperation policy which is clearly distinct from the OECD/DAC and the Chinese approach. The impact of India's development assistance policy and its large scale investments across sectors in several African countries and the feasibility of building symbiotic relations with these nations will be analyzed threadbare.

Since its foundation in 2003, the India-Brazil-South Africa Platform (IBSA) has expanded its scope and furthered cooperation in a number of areas, including public health and alleviation of poverty. But with the inclusion of South Africa into the BRICS grouping, the future of IBSA as an independent diplomatic and political forum is questioned. Talks on the "IBSAization" of the BRICS have suggested that the former is bound to be merged in the latter. At the same time, the recent prominence of health issues in shaping foreign policy around the globe has created some debate - in academy and diplomatic spheres alike - on "health diplomacy", i.e., forms of cooperation envisaging the amelioration of public health systems and the promotion of health-related rights (including the human right to treatment in a non-discriminatory fashion). In this context, this paper examines the "health diplomacy" that has so far been put forward within the IBSA platform, and particularly the initiatives regarding the HIV infection. Moreover, it discusses what the future holds for such efforts in the scenario of "IBSAization" of the BRICS. I argue that the centrality assumed by HIV and health issues in the IBSA platform represents an immense possibility of South-South cooperation particularly when it turns to the African continent (and here the roles of Brazil and South Africa are preponderant). Finally, I briefly examine the results of the Burundi Workshop in HIV (sponsored by the IBSA Fund) as an example of best practices that can be implemented elsewhere.

Cash transfers are becoming increasingly important instruments for development and the fight against poverty in the Global South. As one of the first countries to adopt such policies and home to Bolsa Família, the world's largest cash transfer and one of the most successful programmes, Brazil has now been playing a particularly relevant role as a "new donor" focusing specifically on cash transfers. Since President Lula da Silva took office, Brazil has been showing a growing interest for sub-Saharan Africa, and invested in an important increase of exchanges and agreements. In particular, Brazil has been involved in the design and evaluation of cash transfer programmes, which several African countries have adopted during the last decade. The goal of this paper is to understand Brazil's role in the diffusion of cash transfer programmes in sub-Saharan Africa and draw conclusions on the type of development cooperation established between Brazil and African countries in the recent years.

Brazilian cooperation for development is increasingly in the spotlight. Despite having a small portfolio compared to other 'rising powers', such as India and China, Brazil is a source of world-leading expertise across a range of areas of undisputable relevance to developing countries' development processes - most notably tropical health and agriculture research and technology. Similarly to other 'rising powers', Brazil follows a policy of demand-led cooperation and no-interference with partner countries' sovereignty. It refuses to be labeled as donor and emphasises the distinctive character of its South-South cooperation, claimed to be based on horizontal and mutually beneficial relations. Africa is a major destination of Brazilian cooperation and agriculture tops the list of priority fields on intervention. Embrapa leads most agricultural cooperation initiatives but this is now changing as other public, private and civil society actors enter the cooperation domain and bring with them different views and experiences of agricultural development. The Brazilian Ministry of Agrarian Development, for example, carries with it a distinctive motto of family farming and food sovereignty. It also adds a public policy angle to the cooperation portfolio which has thus far been dominated by training and technological transfer. This paper maps the changing nature of Brazilian development cooperation and discusses emerging features of the Brazil-Africa encounter in agriculture. It contrasts the visions and models of development associated with different Brazilian actors engaged in cooperation and discusses whether new paradigms of cooperation and agricultural development are emerging and what implications this may have for partner countries in Africa.

With two BRICS agricultural ministers conferences being held and 2012-2016 Agricultural Cooperation Action Plan adopted, the links in this field between five countries are increasingly intensifying. Despite differences among BRICS countries and varied characteristics of agricultural sectors, there are significant synergies between these countries for agricultural cooperation. Therefore, it is of great importance for ensuring global food security and sustainable agricultural development.

The aim of this paper is to explore agricultural cooperation and its possibilities among BRICS countries, and to compare their activities and projects in other developing countries.

The following research questions are to be addressed:

- Review the trends and contemporary state of South-South cooperation in agriculture, as well as its significance in ensuring global food security and agricultural productivity increase in developing countries;

- Analyze the involvement of BRICS countries in agricultural South-South cooperation;

- Explore the ways in which BRICS coordination efforts can help improve food production capacity of African countries (through technical cooperation, policy dialogue, technology transfer, personnel training, agricultural infrastructure construction, and others).