ECAS 2013

The concepts of empire and multitude developed by Toni Negri and Michael Hardt are not often used as analytical tools in mainstream IR. And yet both the struggles for democracy in different Arab countries and the emergence of new social movements against the narrowing of the democratic space in Europe may soon introduce some important changes in the dominant discourse concerning political subjectivity and political action in the contemporary world system, bringing those two concepts to the core of the IR scholarly debate. At the heart of these alternative discourses and practices lies a radical critique of the hegemony of liberal standards of good governance which define the empire-in-denial (Chandler) or the nébuleuse (Cox). This paper aims at analyzing the counter-hegemonic agendas produced by the multitude as a new political subject in the Northern African countries which have been at the forefront of the so-called Arab Spring.

The 'Senegalese revolution' was initiated in the streets in June 2011, almost reaching an insurrectional point but eventually ended in the ballot boxes. This paper aims to understand this process, by following the reconfiguration of the mobilisations on the social and political agenda. It attempts to grasp what these mobilisations reveal of the relationship of Senegalese and particularly the youth with the issues of citizenship and dissent.

Based on fieldwork, this paper focuses of the trajectory of the 'Y'en a marre' movement that was at the forefront of the civil unrest. Created by young hip hop artists and journalists, Y'en a marre owes a lot to its capacity to embody the youth's aspirations, as social recognition and moralization of the political arena.

Beyond the few direct references of Y'en a marre to the Arab spring (as the slogans), we can also observe some common links, which particularly reflect the globalised and 'connected' nature of this dissenting generation. However, political heritages and contexts of opportunities and constraints have notably differed, particularly in relation with civic liberties and State repression. Thus, the Senegalese youth have invented their way out of the crisis, eventually accepting the electoral alternative to oust Wade out of the Presidential Palace. This paper also focuses on the effects of the international readings of the Senegalese experience. We analyse the reconversion of Y'en a marre in the transnational field of citizen mobilisations through international organisations and alter-globalization networks that partook in shaping it as a 'model' of Sub-Saharan mobilisation

In September 2010, Mozambique experienced violent riots over the dramatic rise in food prices, water and electricity, following Frelimo government's new policy of cutting vital subsidies intended to lower the general cost of basic necessities. Approximately 30% rise in bread prices in one of the world's poorest countries triggered severe unrest, with protesters, mobilised through text messages and emails, violently opposing their government's decision. The so-called "bread riots" were met by the ruling Frelimo with condemnation and a considerable degree of repression at first. However, fearing a deeper contestation to the party's and the president's rule, the government ended up making a full reversion of the announced measures and choosing to reinstate the subsidies. These concessions were sufficient to appease the revolt and satisfy the protesters. As a result, the country did not see a significant rise in political contestation during and immediately following the Arab Spring, unlike countries such as Angola or Senegal. These events in Mozambique will be analysed from a broader perspective of the politics of contestation and political change, focusing on the motivations of the uprising, the means of mobilisation and the state's reaction, while drawing a parallel with other contemporary popular revolts.

Joyce Banda's unexpected rise to the Malawian Presidency has been celebrated by the international donor community, whilst bringing about significant policy changes which have been locally contested. Southern Africa's first female leader has implemented an IMF sponsored currency devaluation which has led to a decline in incomes for the poor, whilst improving access to fuel and foreign exchange for big business. Drawing on interviews with university students and staff, who have been at the forefront of debates around the changing political economy of Malawi, this paper investigates if the unfolding situation can be characterised as either a moment of passive revolution or a stabilisation of class interests. Field research from Malawi is considered against Gramsci's work on passive revolution to illuminate if the current changes are an example of the transformation of political and institutional structures, without strong mass social process. By contrast, this paper also assess if the Banda government's new programmes merely represent actions by groups within the Malawian political elite - allied to the international donor community - which are committed to the stability and continuity of the existing economic and political order.

During their last electoral period, Kenya and Zimbabwe have witnessed flawed elections and subsequent violent political crises being met with power-sharing agreements as central features of their respective peace processes. Power-sharing accords have risen in popularity in Africa, albeit supported by two different discourses: one as a tool for democratic engineering and advancement; another as a conflict resolution mechanism. Mainstream literature on power sharing - irrespective of its origin - has long been focused on an elite-driven top-down institutional dimension. This paper will analyze forms of popular participation and contestation in two African countries that have established a power-sharing regime in response to a flawed election. Can the recent popularity and pervasiveness of power-sharing accords in the African continent be considered a contributing factor for creating a 'moratorium' on political contestation? If so, has that participation been influenced because of or in spite of the absence of local ownership of the peace process and the undermining of vertical relationships of accountability power-sharing accords created? How has civil society engaged in the political process and how has that participation been met at the state level?

Analyses on the uprisings and democratization processes taking place in the

Arab region, since December 2010, have claimed the centrality of the New Online

Social Media (NOSM) in the organization of the protests, identifying them

as the crucial actor in propagating and mobilizing the people to contest

the repressive political regimes in power. However, this perspective on the

NOSM tends to be highly romanticised, neglecting to explore the

different national and international actors which in fact make use of the NOSM, as well as the articulations and linkages with other instruments of mobilization. . This paper aims to

analyse the role the NOSM in the recent Arab uprising and democratization

processes by (1) identifying and analyzing the different agencies making

use of the NOSM; (2) exploring the articulation between online and offline

political processes; (3) understanding the synergies between conventional

media and NOSM; and (4) exploring the NOSM as a platform for international

intervention.

Inspired by agency oriented social movement theory and theories of the political economy of oil, this paper explores opportunities and constraints for policy change through a case study of the popular protests against fuel subsidy removal in Nigeria 2012.

In January 2012 the trade unions and a renewed civil society lead the broadest based protests in post-military Nigeria. Despite high expectations and talks of "a Nigerian spring", the achievements were limited. Unions where critiqued for not using the political opportunity at hand, whilst they claim they had exhausted the policy space.

The deregulation of fuel subsidy relates to transnational and national power relations, where trade unions have specific and dual roles. Unions are both insiders (of oil industry and governance through social dialogue) and outsiders (as part of social movement and representative of the poor masses), reflected in a dual role of bottom up representation and top-down disciplining of workers in relation to state and companies.

This paper discusses the political space for trade union agency. Trade unions' roles are shaped by their dual roles in politics and economics. This paper argues that the limited achievements must be understood through analyses of intra movement dynamics, in particular between the new social actors and the trade unions, and structural factors of the policy constraints found in the transnational political economy of oil.